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CONSTITUTIONAL
RIGHTS FOUNDATION
Bill
of Right in Action
Summer 1999
(15:3)
Rules of
War
This Bill of Rights in Action looks at controversies
in this century involving rules of war. The first article examines
the bombing of civilians, initially denounced as barbaric but eventually
adopted by all sides during World War II. The second article explores
the decision to drop the atomic bomb on Japan. The final article examines
efforts to stop the spread of nuclear weapons.
World History: Firestorms:
The Bombing of Civilians in World War II
U.S. History: Choices:
Truman, Hirohito, and the Atomic Bomb
U.S. Government: New
Threats to Nuclear Non- Proliferation
This issue of the Bill of Rights in Action
is made possibel by a generous grant from the W.M. Keck Foundation.
Firestorms:
The Bombing of Civilians
in World War II
Before World War II, most nations condemned targeting civilians
in bombing raids. As the war went on, the nations at war expanded their
bombing targets from military to industrial ones, then to workers' houses,
and finally to entire cities and their civilian populations.
In the late afternoon of April 26, 1937, German bombers and other warplanes
attacked Guernica, a town of about 7,000 persons in northern Spain.
This raid was part of the Spanish
Civil War , fought just before World War II. The Spanish Republic
was battling rebels led by Spanish General Francisco Franco. Hitler
had sent a special air force unit to Spain to aid Franco and to test
new military aircraft and bombing tactics.
In the assault
on Guernica, German pilots left a small munitions factory and
other possible military targets untouched. They aimed their explosive
and incendiary (fire) bombs into the center of the town. A squadron
of experimental aircraft dropped the first bombs on the plaza in front
of the railroad station filled with war refugees. An eyewitness described
what happened:
A group of women and children. They were lifted high into the air,
maybe 20 feet or so, and they started to break up. Legs, arms, heads,
and bits and pieces flying everywhere.
Another wave of heavy bombers followed, destroying most of Guernica's
buildings, even a church and hospital. People were blown up in their
houses, crushed by collapsing structures, and set afire in the streets.
A third wave of fighter planes then machine-gunned terrified men, women,
and children as they ran for their lives. About 1,000 civilians were
slaughtered during the three-hour assault.
Accounts of the attack on Guernica in French newspapers shocked the
world. For the first time in history, bombing from the air had destroyed
an entire town. The intentional slaughter of innocent people so enraged
Pablo Picasso, the Spanish artist, that he immediately went to work
on a painting based on the bombing attack. The painting, which he titled
"Guernica,"
became an icon for the terror experienced by civilians in war.
But the attack on Guernica turned out to be only a preview of a new
type of war. In this new "total war," military strategists purposely
tried to destroy entire cities and their civilian populations.
Civilian Bombing
and the Laws of War
Attempts to control warfare from the air occurred as early as 1899.
European powers agreed at The Hague (a Dutch city) to prohibit dropping
explosives "from balloons or by other new methods of a similar nature."
The Hague
Convention of 1907 went further by banning bombardments "by
whatever means" on "undefended" towns.
World War I saw the first civilian casualties from air bombing. In
1915, the first-reported victim was an English child killed by a bomb
dropped from a German zeppelin
(an airship more rigid and larger than a blimp). Throughout the war,
zeppelin and airplane attacks on English and German cities killed almost
2,000 civilians.
After World War I, European and American military strategists debated
what would happen if civilians became the main targets of air-bombing
attacks. An influential Italian military writer, General
Giulio Douhet, actually argued for the sustained bombing of
civilians. He predicted that they would become quickly demoralized by
such bombing and would force their leaders to surrender.
Despite the theories of Douhet, most at this time felt that bombing
civilians was uncivilized and should be prohibited. In 1923, Britain,
France, Italy, Japan, and the United States agreed to a set of rules
for air warfare. One article prohibited bombing from the air "for the
purpose of terrorizing the civilian population . . . or of injuring
noncombatants. . . ." The participating governments, however, never
ratified these rules, so they were not legally binding. At the Geneva
Disarmament Conference of 1932, most of the world's powers agreed that
air attacks on civilians violated the laws of war. But the conference
broke up before approving a final agreement.
In the years leading up to World War II, Japan became the first power
to attack civilians from the air. In 1932, Japanese warplanes bombed
a worker district in Shanghai, China, an incident that produced worldwide
outrage. The outrage did not stop Japan from bombing civilian areas
of other Chinese cities.
In 1936, Italian dictator Mussolini ordered an attack on the largely
defenseless east African country of Ethiopia.
When Mussolini's warplanes struck the capital city, causing many civilian
casualties, the world again condemned the slaughter of innocent people.
The following year, the Germans bombed Guernica.
Along with many other nations, the United States denounced the Japanese,
Italian, and German bombing of civilians as "contrary to principles
of law and humanity." But the terror bombing of civilians was only beginning.
"Precision" vs. "Area"
Bombing
Hitler introduced a new form of aggression in 1939. He ordered his
military to attack Poland, thus starting World War II in Europe.
"Blitzkrieg" soon came to mean lightning-fast assaults, not
only by land troops and tank divisions, but also by warplanes bombing
both military and civilian targets. The Germans hit the Polish capital
of Warsaw especially hard, with indiscriminate bombing killing thousands
of civilians.
In May 1940, the Nazis invaded the Netherlands on their way to France.
Easily overcoming Dutch defenders, the Germans still bombed the center
of Rotterdam with explosive and fire bombs, killing tens of thousands.
From fall 1940 through spring 1941, Hitler's air force struck London
and other English cities with terrifying night bombing raids. The bombing
of London, the main target of German planes, cost the lives
of 30,000 people.
Driven from the continent, the British could only strike back by mounting
their own bombing campaign against the Germans. At first, the Royal
Air Force (RAF) attempted to bomb only specific German military and
industrial targets in daytime raids. But the lack of fighter-plane support
made these raids risky, and bombs often missed their precise targets
because of poor bombsights.
In February 1942, the British abandoned their "precision bombing" strategy.
For the rest of the war, the British concentrated on the systematic
widespread destruction of German cities by RAF nighttime air raids,
a strategy called "area bombing." One reason the British took this fateful
step was to "dehouse" the German people, which hopefully would shatter
their morale and will to continue the war.
The clearest demonstration of the destructiveness of British area bombing
occurred in 1943 during three night raids on Hamburg, Germany. On the
second night of bombing, something unexpected happened. The fire bombs
dropped by 731 RAF bombers started thousands of fires. They merged to
create a huge firestorm, sucking up oxygen and generating hurricane
force winds. Many who did not burn to death were asphyxiated in underground
bomb shelters. The firestorm killed more than 40,000 people in one night.
When the United States entered the war in Europe, its Army Air Corps
had better fighter-plane support and bombsights than the RAF. It could
maintain its longstanding policy of daytime precision bombing. The Americans
believed that the most effective way to destroy the enemy's ability
to continue the war was to strike specific targets like aircraft factories
and oil refineries.
Following German rocket attacks against London late in the war, almost
800 RAF bombers bombed Dresden, a center of German art, architecture,
and culture. It had been untouched by previous Allied bombing raids.
The attack's stated purpose was to disrupt German troop transports to
the Russian front. But at least 35,000 civilians died, mainly by inhaling
toxic gases created by the second major firestorm of the war. American
bombers killed more civilians the next day when they had difficulty
hitting their targets through all the smoke.
Firestorms in Japan
After Germany surrendered in May 1945, America wanted to quickly end
the war against Japan. As plans went ahead for a costly invasion of
the Japanese islands, Major General Curtis
LeMay took command of the bombing campaign against Japan, which
had started in late 1944. Having studied British area-bombing tactics,
LeMay decided to adopt them in a final effort to force the Japanese
to surrender.
On the night of March 9-10, 1945, LeMay's B-29 bombers attacked Tokyo,
a city of 6 million people. Nearly 600 bombers dropped 1,665 tons of
fire bombs on the Japanese capital, destroying 16 square miles of the
city. The resulting firestorm killed 100,000 people, more than died
at Hiroshima or Nagasaki from atomic
bombs a few months later. Most of the victims were women, children,
and old men. The B-29 crew members put on oxygen masks to keep from
vomiting at the smell of burning human flesh.
LeMay's planes continued firebombing Tokyo and more than 60 other Japanese
cities in the following months. He thought he could end the war quickly
by destroying Japan's economy and crushing the morale of the Japanese
people. LeMay argued against using atomic bombs. He believed that his
firebombing tactics would force Japan to surrender before American forces
were scheduled to invade the homeland.
On August 6, 1945, one B-29 dropped an atomic bomb on Hiroshima, creating
a firestorm that wiped out 70 percent of the city and killed 70,000
Japanese. The atomic bomb attack on Nagasaki three days later was somewhat
less destructive due to the geographical features of the city. After
some hesitation, Japan finally surrendered. The decision to use atomic
weapons was fairly easy for American political and military leaders,
given the hundreds of thousands of civilian deaths already caused by
the bombing of cities during the war. The outrage about such killing
at the beginning of the war had been numbed by the horror of "total
war" and the desire to quickly bring it all to an end.
The Allied area bombing of civilians played an important role in undermining
the will of the German and Japanese people to continue the war. But
unlike the predictions of military strategists before the war, this
did not happen quickly. For a long time, the bombing of German and Japanese
civilians only stiffened their resolve to fight on. They wanted to surrender
only after their countries lay in ruins, hundreds of thousands had perished,
and all hope of victory was lost.
After World War II
Following World War II, the Cold
War developed between the United States and Soviet Union. It
never erupted into actual warfare, but the possibility of World War
III loomed. The two nations engaged in a nuclear arms race. Each targeted
the other's civilian population, aiming thermonuclear missiles at cities.
The massive destructiveness of nuclear weapons made avoiding civilians
impossible. It also made nuclear war unwinnable. The standoff between
the two nuclear superpowers ended in 1991, when the Soviet Union disbanded.
Nuclear war had been avoided, but the threat remains that some nation
might use them someday.
Although no nuclear war has occurred since World War II, many limited,
non-nuclear wars have taken place. America has engaged in wars in Korea
, Vietnam
,
Iraq , and Kosovo.
It has never again targeted civilians as it did during World War II,
but many civilians have died in these wars. Their deaths usually resulted
from mistake, accident, or being too close to a military target. With
advances in technology, weapons have grown more accurate. The "precision
bombing" of World War II often missed their targets. Today's cruise
missile usually hits its mark. But even with today's "smart bombs" and
precise targeting, civilians still die.
The aftermath of World War II brought more attempts to protect civilians
in war. The Geneva
Convention of 1949 stated that civilian hospitals "may in no
circumstances be the object of attack . . . ." The U.N. General Assembly
adopted several resolutions, which are not legally binding but do carry
the weight of international opinion. A 1961
resolution declared that the "use of nuclear and thermo-nuclear
weapons" violates the "spirit, letter and aims of the United Nations."
Another resolution
in 1968 proclaimed that no nation should "launch attacks against
. . . civilian populations . . . ." The World Court in 1996 made an
advisory opinion
on nuclear weapons . It ruled that "the threat or use of nuclear
weapons would generally be contrary to the rules of international law
. . . ." But it stated that international law was unclear on whether
they could be used "in an extreme circumstance of self-defence, in which
the very survival of a State would be at stake."
For Discussion and
Writing
- That were the arguments for "precision" and "area" bombing in World
War II? Which one do you think was the better strategy? Why?
- Maj. Gen. Curtis LeMay said after the_March 9-10 Tokyo bombing,
"There are no innocent civilians. . . . The entire population got
into the act and worked to make those airplanes or munitions . . .
men, women, and children." Do you agree or disagree with LeMay? Why?
- Do you think international law should define rules of war? Why
or why not?
For Further Information
History
of the Spanish Civil War
The United States Strategic
Bombing Survey (European War) A U.S. government report on the air
war in Europe Report issued on September 30, 1945.
United States Strategic
Bombing Survey (Pacific War) Issued on July 1, 1946
International
Law on the Bombing of Civilians
ACTIVITY:
A
New Hague Convention
One way that international law is created is by nations signing treaties
and charters that bind them to follow particular rules. Throughout the
20th century, international conferences have attempted to write rules
protecting civilians in time of war. In this activity, students will
role play nations attending a new Hague Convention. It has been convened
to clarify and enact international laws protecting civilians in wartime.
Form small groups. Each group should:
A. Review and discuss the rules protecting civilians mentioned in the
article.
B. Write a new rule or rules it thinks should be_adopted.
C. Present to the whole class its rules and the reasons for them.
Choices:
Truman, Hirohito, and the Atomic Bomb
In summer 1945, President Truman focused on two choices to
end the war with Japan: invade or use the atomic bomb. Truman ordered
the bomb dropped on two Japanese cities. His decision created a controversy
that is with us today.
On August 6, 1945, the world changed forever. A single American B-29
bomber, the Enola Gay, dropped one atomic bomb on Hiroshima,
Japan. About 70,000 persons, some military but mostly civilian, perished
in the blast and the firestorm that resulted from it. Another 50,000
died later from injuries and radiation sickness. Three days after Hiroshima,
some 60,000 Japanese died when a plane dropped a second bomb on Nagasaki.
The intentional bombing of civilians had been going on for quite some
time--first by the Germans and Japanese and then by the British and
Americans. About 100,000 Japanese died during American fire bombing
raids on Tokyo five months before Hiroshima and Nagasaki. But what made
atomic bombs even more frightful were the largely unknown short- and
long-term effects of radiation and their capacity for worldwide destruction.
Truman: "The Most
Terrible Bomb"
Shortly after Hitler began World War II in Europe, physicists Leo Szilard
and Albert Einstein wrote a letter
to President Roosevelt. They urged him to set up a project to develop
an atomic bomb, which they believed Germany was already working on.
Roosevelt initiated the "Manhattan
Project" in 1941. He placed General Leslie R. Groves in command
of a group of scientists headed by J. Robert Oppenheimer. From the very
beginning, almost everyone involved in this project believed that America
would use the atomic bomb to end the war.
When
Roosevelt died on April 12, 1945, Vice President Harry S.
Truman became president. Unfortunately, Roosevelt had never included
his vice president in discussions about the atomic bomb. Two weeks after
becoming president, he was finally fully briefed about "the gadget,"
as General Groves called the bomb.
The bomb was not ready for testing before Germany unconditionally surrendered
on May 7, 1945. Seeking advice, as the war in the Pacific continued,
Truman authorized a group of civilian leaders and scientists to make
recommendations on its use. Headed by Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson,
the so-called Interim
Committee decided to reaffirm the long-held policy of using
the atomic bomb when it was ready.
The Interim Committee also recommended against giving the Japanese
any warning or demonstrating the bomb on some uninhabited area. Committee
members wanted to assure a total surprise to shock the Japanese government
and people into quickly surrendering. The committee agreed that the
"most desirable target would be a vital war plant employing a large
number of workers and closely surrounded by workers' houses."
The Interim Committee additionally concluded that using the atomic
bomb to end the war would make the Soviet Union "more manageable" in
the postwar world.
After being briefed on the Interim Committee's recommendations, Truman
met with his top military advisors on June 11. Since America had not
yet tested the bomb, this group went ahead with plans for an invasion
of Japan. Truman wanted to know the number of expected casualties (dead,
wounded, and missing). The casualty estimates for the projected invasion
varied greatly and became the subject of much controversy after the
war. The Army-Navy estimate for the invasion was about 200,000 American
casualties, which would have included 50,000 killed.
Dreading the idea of an invasion of Japan, Truman traveled to Potsdam,
Germany, to meet with the other Allied leaders in mid-July 1945. Truman
was anxious to get Joseph
Stalin, the leader of the Soviet Union, to enter the war against
Japan. Stalin had previously promised to do this after Germany's defeat
even though he had signed a non-aggression treaty with Japan early in
the war.
During the conference, the Americans received a message stating that
a bomb had been successfully tested in New Mexico. Truman's attitude
brightened, and he no longer seemed so intent on pressuring the Russians
to declare war on Japan.
While still at Potsdam, Truman authorized the military to use atomic
bombs "when ready but not sooner than August 2." Two atomic bombs were
available, and two more were nearing completion. The war planners had
selected four target cities including Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Neither
city contained major military or industrial installations. They chose
them mainly because conventional bombing had already leveled other major
cities.
No real debate ever took place among top U.S. military and civilian
leaders on whether to drop on Japan what Truman described in his diary
as "the most terrible bomb in the history of the world." Only a small
group of scientists involved in the Manhattan Project opposed dropping
it. They circulated a petition warning of a nuclear arms race with the
Soviet Union after the war if America used atomic bombs against Japan.
Ironically, the scientist that led this petition effort, Leo
Szilard, had also written the letter with Einstein asking Roosevelt
to build the bomb.
At the end of the Potsdam Conference on July 26, the Allies at war
with Japan issued a proclamation.
They demanded the "unconditional surrender" of the Japanese armed forces.
This meant that the Allies would not consider negotiating peace terms.
The declaration also called for the Japanese people to form a new government,
which put the future of the Japanese emperor in doubt. It did not mention
the atomic bomb or the pending entry of the Soviet Union into the war.
But the declaration warned that if Japan did not immediately surrender
unconditionally, it would face "prompt and utter destruction."
Hirohito: "We Must
Bow to the Inevitable"
Japan's leaders knew nothing about the atomic bomb and little about
other U.S. war plans. But Truman and his advisers knew something about
what the Japanese leaders were saying and doing. American intelligence
had broken Japan's secret code.
By summer 1945, Japan was a nation on the edge of defeat. Its navy
hardly existed. Its best airplane pilots had been killed. Its large
armies lay scattered and isolated throughout Asia. The American naval
blockade of Japan had stopped most shipping, which created major shortages
of food and oil. Continuing American bombing raids had leveled most
major Japanese cities, killing 200,000 persons.
Still, Japan fought on. From April to June 1944 during the U.S. invasion
of Okinawa, an
island 400 miles from the Japanese homeland, Japanese forces waged a
fierce and desperate battle. Inspired by warrior traditions, the soldiers
held on for weeks preferring to die in suicide charges or by their own
hand than to surrender. The navy launched waves of suicide airplane
attacks on the U.S. ships supporting the invasion. Even many Japanese
civilians living on the island killed themselves to avoid capture by
the Americans. In finally conquering the island, U.S. forces suffered
48,000 casualties.
In spite of the loss of Okinawa and overwhelming U.S. military superiority,
the Japanese government was deadlocked about what to do. On the one
hand, Prime Minister Kantaro Suzuki took office in April 1945 with the
goal of ending the hopeless war effort. Suzuki, his foreign minister,
and others in the government attempted to get the Soviet Union to act
as a go-between in negotiating conditions of surrender to end the war
with the United States, Britain, and China. Suzuki was not aware that
Stalin had already decided to declare war on Japan in a few months.
Other members of the Japanese government and military leadership strongly
opposed surrendering. They argued that Japan should accept "the honorable
death of a hundred million" rather than give up. They moved ahead with
plans for defending the homeland including the use of 350,000 troops,
preparing thousands of pilots and planes for kamikaze attacks and mobilization
of hundreds of thousands of civilians, including women, as home defense
fighters. They hoped that these measures could repel an American invasion
and force the United States to end the war on terms more beneficial
to Japan.
Considered a sacred figure in Japanese society, Emperor Hirohito normally
remained above government politics. Throughout most of the war, Hirohito
never openly opposed any decisions made by Japan's leaders. For instance,
Hirohito was present when the decision was made to attack Pearl Harbor,
but he remained silent. By early 1945, however, Hirohito had concluded
that there should be "a swift termination of the war." When Okinawa
fell to the Americans in June, he sent a personal representative to
Moscow seeking terms of peace from the Allies.
By August, time had run out for the divided Japanese government and
Emperor Hirohito. On August 6, the Enola Gay dropped the first
atomic bomb on Hiroshima.
The political and military leaders still could not agree what to do.
Hirohito, now speaking more forcefully than ever before, declared, "We
must bow to the inevitable."
On August 9, disaster struck from two directions. The Soviet Union
declared war on Japan, and the United States dropped the second atomic
bomb on Nagasaki.
The government remained paralyzed. The leaders could agree on only one
thing: The emperor's position in Japanese society must remain at all
cost.
Finally, Prime Minister Suzuki took the unheard-of step of calling
upon the emperor himself to break the deadlock between those favoring
surrender and those who wanted to fight on. After listening to both
sides, Hirohito said that "continuing the war can only mean destruction
for the nation." He then declared that Japan must accept surrender.
On August 10, Suzuki sent a notice of surrender to the Allies with
the condition that the emperor would remain as the "sovereign ruler"
of Japan. The Allies accepted on one condition. The emperor must yield
authority to the supreme commander of the forces occupying Japan until
a new government was established "by the truly expressed will of the
people." Some Japanese leaders wanted to reject this requirement. But
Hirohito announced that he agreed to the Allied terms. All top civilian
and military leaders then pledged to obey the emperor's wishes. The
war was over.
Other Choices
The war was over, but the debate over how it ended had just begun.
In the years that followed, President Truman steadfastly defended his
decision to use the atomic bombs. He argued that the bombings of Hiroshima
and Nagasaki forced the Japanese to surrender quickly, thus avoiding
an invasion that would have cost the lives of thousands of Americans.
"I'd do it again," Truman often said.
Truman's advisers had focused mainly on the choice between an invasion
and dropping the bomb. From hindsight, scholars researching wartime
documents have determined that there were several other options for
ending the war:
1. Continue the conventional bombings and blockade. Truman
could have relied on the relentless and devastating B-29 firebombing
raids on Japan's cities combined with the naval blockade to wear down
Japanese resistance and force their surrender.
Scholars critical of this approach point out that strategic bombing
may have taken some time to force a surrender putting American pilots,
troops and sailors at risk. In addition, many more Japanese civilians
may have died using this option than were killed in the two atomic raids.
2. Demonstrate the atomic bomb. By demonstrating the
atomic bomb, Truman could have shown the Japanese leaders, including
Hirohito, that their nation faced total destruction if they did not
surrender immediately.
Other scholars point out that the U.S. had only two atomic bombs ready
for use and two more in development. The technology was brand new and
delivering the bombs was very difficult. A failure of the demonstration
might have actually encouraged Japanese resistance and in any case would
have given them a chance to take countermeasures.
3. Wait for the Russians. Truman could have waited
a few more weeks for the Russians to declare war on Japan. The threat
of invasion and occupation by both the Americans and Russians may have
had an even more shocking effect on the Japanese leadership than the
atomic bombings.
Scholars critical of this approach say it is not clear what Japan might
have done in response to a declaration of war by the Soviets. Japanese
forces in Asia were already stranded and largely abandoned. It would
have taken Soviet forces some time to threaten mainland Japan, and the
Japanese already faced overwhelming force from the Americans. Some scholars
believe that the United States still would have been faced with an invasion
of Japan and the Soviets would have had more time to bring more of Asia
under Communist domination.
4. Negotiate peace. Truman knew that Suzuki and Hirohito
were trying to find a way to negotiate an end to the war. He could have
discussed peace terms with them, but instead refused to consider anything
but "unconditional surrender."
Official allied policy was for unconditional surrender for Japan, just
as it had been for the Nazi regime. Some scholars question whether arranging
negotiations might not have strengthened the war faction of the Japanese
government by showing weakness on the part of the allies. They also
might have encouraged greater demands on the part of the Japanese, including
preservation of the military, and given them more time to prepare for
invasion.
5. Keep the emperor. The Japanese leaders might have
decided to surrender earlier if Truman and the Allies had assured them
that they would neither abolish the position of the emperor nor try
Hirohito as a war criminal.
Some scholars point out that the Japanese agreed to surrender only
after the bomb was dropped and doubt that the concession about the emperor
by itself would have led to immediate surrender.
In the end, Truman concluded that none of these choices would have
ended the war as quickly as an atomic attack. At the time, Truman was
under tremendous pressure from the American public to end the long,
horrible war against a hated enemy as fast as possible and "bring the
boys home." Few of the thousands of American troops being transferred
from Europe to prepare for Japan's invasion criticized Truman's decision.
For many, it saved their lives.
Did Truman make the right decision? More than 50 years later, this
question remains unsettled.
For Discussion and
Writing
- Why did President Truman order the use of atomic bombs against
Japan?
- What role did Emperor Hirohito play in the surrender of Japan?
- Some have argued that there really was very little difference in
the use of atomic bombs and conventional bombs against Japan. Do you
agree or disagree? Why?
For Further Information
Hiroshima &
Nagasaki
"The Decision to
Use the Atomic Bomb" Gar Alperovitz and the H-net Debate
H I R O S H I M A:
Recommended Books For Students
Documents
Relating to American Foreign Policy: Hiroshima
Documents
Relating to the Development of the Atomic Bomb and Its use on Hiroshima
and Nagasaki
ACTIVITY: Choices:
Ending the War with Japan
In this activity, students will role play members of a committee of
advisers to President Truman. This committee must debate the choices
and then make a recommendation to the president on how to end the war.
A. Form small groups and review the president's options: (1)
Continue the conventional bombings and blockade; (2) Demonstrate the
atomic bomb; (3) Wait for the Russians; (4) Negotiate peace; (5) Keep
the emperor; or (6) Use the atomic bombs.
B. After each group meets, the committee as a whole should discuss
and decide on a recommendation. It may be one of the choices listed
in the article or some variation or combination of them.
New
Threats to Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Today, with the Cold War over and a Non-Proliferation Treaty
in place, much has been done to stop the spread of nuclear weapons.
But some trouble spots remain.
At the end of World War II, the United States alone possessed atomic
weapons. In 1949, however, the Soviet Union tested its first atomic
bomb. This set off a nuclear arms race with the United States lasting
40 years. Each country eventually produced more than 30,000 nuclear
bombs and missile warheads. A recent estimate placed the total cost
of the American nuclear-weapons program at $5 trillion.
Other nations also became nuclear powers. In 1952, Great Britain exploded
its first atomic bomb. In 1960, France tested a nuclear device, and
in 1964 China followed suit. All kept adding nuclear weapons to their
arsenals.
The Non-Proliferation
Treaty (NPT)
The
Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 nearly resulted in nuclear war
between United States and the Soviet Union. The following year, the
two superpowers, along with Britain, made the first attempt to control
nuclear arms development. The three nuclear nations signed a treaty
promising not to test atomic weapons in the atmosphere or on land. But
the treaty still permitted underground testing.
After China tested its first atomic device in 1964, the nuclear powers
initiated negotiations that finally resulted in the Non-Proliferation
Treaty of 1968 (in force on March 5, 1970). The NPT takes the
form of a series of promises between those nations already possessing
nuclear weapons and those nations without them.
Those nations possessing nuclear weapons promise to:
- not help nations without nuclear weapons acquire or develop them;
- place security safeguards on their nuclear_materials and technology
to prevent their export to non-nuclear weapons nations;
- share nuclear technology for peaceful purposes with all treaty
members;
- work to end the nuclear arms race and reduce their nuclear-weapons
stockpiles.
Those nations not possessing nuclear weapons promise to:
- not acquire or develop nuclear weapons;
- accept security safeguards, including U.N. inspections, on all
domestically produced or imported nuclear materials and technology
to assure they are not being used for military purposes;
- place security safeguards on their nuclear_materials and technology
to prevent prohibited exports to other non-nuclear weapons nations;
- share nuclear technology for peaceful purposes with all treaty
members.
Today, about 180 countries, including all five original nuclear powers,
have signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty.
Non-nuclear weapons members of the NPT must agree to accept the system
of safeguards and inspections of the International
Atomic Energy Agency. This independent U.N. agency requires
two things from non-nuclear nations. First, they must declare what nuclear
materials and equipment they possess. Second, they must submit to regular
inspections to make sure nothing they possess is being diverted to weapons
development. Most of the treaty members that possess nuclear weapons
have also agreed to observe strict security safeguards on such exports
as waste from nuclear power plants that could be reprocessed into weapons-grade
material.
The Breakup of the
Soviet Union
The breakup of the Soviet Union into 15 independent nations in 1991
brought an end to the 40-year Cold War nuclear arms race. The
Start II Treaty of 1993 between the United States and Russia
greatly reduced the number of nuclear warheads in both countries. The
following year, the two powers agreed to stop targeting each other's
territory with ballistic missiles. The former Cold War adversaries also
declared a suspension of all forms of nuclear testing.
But there was a negative side to the Soviet breakup. Nuclear missiles
capable of reaching the United States still existed not only in Russia,
but also in three new nations once part of the USSR: Belarus, Kazakhstan,
and Ukraine. The United States also grew concerned that these three
nuclear nations, as well as Russia, could not effectively keep their
nuclear material and technology secure from improper exports or even
smuggling. Also troubling was the potential emigration of former Soviet
scientists to nations seeking to develop nuclear weapons. To help address
these issues, the U.S. Congress granted $800 million in aid to help
the former Soviet states "denuclearize."
Iraq
Following the
Persian Gulf War in 1991, U.N. inspectors discovered that
Iraq had established a massive nuclear-weapons program. It was only
a few years away from producing an atomic explosive device. Even more
shocking, Iraq had signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty. It had proceeded
with a secret nuclear program even though NPT safeguards were in place
and inspections were occurring. Iraq had been illegally importing nuclear
materials and equipment for years from western nations, including the
United States.
The United Nations instituted widespread inspections of Iraqi installations
and strengthened safeguards preventing international trade in nuclear
materials and technology. This seemed to put the Non-Proliferation Treaty
back on track. But in 1998, Iraq's leader, Saddam Hussein, refused to
permit U.N. inspectors into certain areas. This led to the removal of
the inspectors from Iraq and to U.S. and British bombings of suspected
nuclear facilities. In spite of continued bombing, the lack of on-site
inspections makes it difficult to prevent Hussein from continuing his
pursuit of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction.
North Korea
The Korean peninsula is divided into South Korea and Communist North
Korea. From 1950 to 1953, war
raged between North and South, with Chinese troops aiding the North
and U.S. troops (acting on behalf of the United Nations) helping the
South. Nearly 40,000 American troops remain stationed in South Korea.
North Korea signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty in 1986, but delayed
agreeing to required inspections and other safeguards on its nuclear
program. Negotiations among the United States, South Korea, and North
Korea ended with an agreement in 1991 making the entire Korean peninsula
a nuclear weapons-free zone.
In 1992, North Korea signed an agreement allowing U.N. inspections
of its nuclear facilities, which had been suspected of producing materials
for nuclear weapons. But when the inspectors arrived, North Korea denied
them access to some installations. Meanwhile, satellite pictures revealed
evidence of continued nuclear-weapons development. In 1993, North Korea
withdrew from the Non-Proliferation Treaty, but then quickly suspended
its withdrawal.
In 1994, the United States and North Korea reached another agreement.
In exchange for the North Koreans freezing their nuclear-weapons program,
the Americans promised to provide aid for oil imports. But four years
later, the United States detected the North Koreans constructing a huge
new underground nuclear complex. The famine-plagued Communist country
then demanded massive food shipments before it would allow inspections
of this underground facility. In March 1999, the Clinton administration
agreed to give North Korea $60 million in food assistance.
India and Pakistan
When India gained its independence in 1947 from Great Britain, it was
carved into two countries--India,
with a mostly Hindu population, and Pakistan,
with an overwhelmingly Muslim population. The two South Asian countries,
among the poorest in the world, have never gotten along well. They have
already fought three conventional wars
and almost fought a fourth in 1990. Hindu-Muslim religious hatreds continue
to fuel longstanding border disputes. Currently, the two countries are
engaging in a regional nuclear arms race. Neither country has signed
the Non-Proliferation Treaty, but both have agreed not to attack each
other's nuclear installations.
India exploded its first nuclear device in 1974. When India conducted
new nuclear tests in May 1998, Pakistan followed with its first test
explosions. In April 1999, India and then Pakistan tested missiles that
could hurl nuclear warheads deep inside each other's territory.
Unlike the United States and Soviet Union during the Cold War, India
and Pakistan are next door to one another, making missile flight times
extremely short. Neither country has the careful controls that the Americans
and Soviets developed to prevent accidental missile launchings.
The United States imposed trade and economic aid restrictions on both
nations after the round of nuclear tests in 1998. President Clinton
said at that time, "I cannot believe that we are about to start the
21st century by having the Indian Subcontinent repeat the worst mistakes
of the 20th century." A full-scale nuclear war could leave 100 million
dead plus radioactive fallout throughout the rest of Asia and possibly
the world.
Is the NPT Working?
Although Iraq, North Korea, India and Pakistan, and a few other countries
have the potential for starting a nuclear war, most of the world's nations
today have rejected atomic weapons. South Africa had developed a half-dozen
atomic bombs. But in 1991, it decided to dismantle them all, the first
nuclear-weapons nation to do this. Argentina and Brazil decided not
to proceed with their nuclear-weapons programs. Belarus, Kazakhstan,
and Ukraine have all agreed to give up their nuclear weapons and sign
the Non-Proliferation Treaty. In 1995, 178 nations agreed to extend
the NPT indefinitely. The next year, most nations in the world, including
the United States, signed a treaty banning all tests of nuclear weapons.
At the end of the century, the Non-Proliferation Treaty seems to be
containing the spread of nuclear arms. But just as the United States
believed it was justified making and using atomic bombs to end World
War II, almost any nation may feel equally compelled at some time in
the future to build or acquire, and then use, the ultimate weapon.
For Discussion and
Writing
- What is the purpose of the Non-Proliferation Treaty? How is it
enforced?
- How did the breakup of the Soviet Union both strengthen and weaken
efforts to control the proliferation of nuclear weapons in the world?
- Which of the nations currently developing nuclear weapons do you
think poses the greatest threat to the United States? Why?
For Further Information
Tracking Nuclear
Proliferation: A Guide in Maps and Charts, 1998
Splitting
The Atom: Nuclear Bombs, Non-Proliferation and Test Bans
Nuclear Proliferation
Document Archive, Research Portals, Readings and Debates
Indian and Pakistani
Nuclear Tests
Frontline:
Russian Roulette: A Report on the Safety and Security of Russia's Nuclear
Arsenal
Yahoo News
Iraq-U.S.
Conflict
India-Pakistan
Relations
North
Korea
Russia
Washington
Post: Former USSR Regional Coverage
Country Studies
ACTIVITY: Next
Steps
In this activity, students decide which area presents the most danger
and recommend steps the United States should take to reduce the danger
of nuclear war in this area.
Form small groups. Each group should:
a. Review these four areas: (1) Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan,
and Ukraine; (2) Iraq; (3) North Korea; and (4) India and Pakistan.
b. Decide which area presents the most danger of nuclear war
and why.
c. Make recommendations on what the United States should do
to reduce the danger of nuclear war.
d. Present its decision and recommendations to the rest of the
class.
Officers: Haley J. Fromholz, President; Marjorie S. Steinberg,
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Patrick J. McDonough, Michael W. Monk, Hon. Margaret M. Morrow, Peggy
Saferstein, Deborah S. Saxe, Marvin Sears, Lois Thompson, Carlton Varner.
Staff: Todd Clark, Executive Director; Marshall L. Croddy,
Director of Program and Materials Development; Carlton Martz,
Writer; Bill Hayes, Editor; Andrew Costly, Production
Manager; Michael W. Monk, CRF Board Reviewer.
© 1999, Constitutional Rights Foundation, 601 South Kinglsey Drive,
Los Angeles, CA 90005, (213) 487-5590 Fax (213) 386-0459
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